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The current French bestseller lists are wonderfully eclectic. In （1)_____, there is everyt

The current French bestseller lists are wonderfully eclectic. In (1)_____, there is everything (2)_____ blockbuster thrillers to Catherine Miller's La Vie Sexuelle de Catherine M., a novel which has been (3)_____ praised as high art and (4)_____ as upmarket porn. Then there are novels (5)_____ the sticky questions of good and (6)_____ (Le Demon et Mademoiselle Prym) and faith versus science m the modern world (L'apparition). Philosophical (7)_____ continue in the non-fiction list. (8)_____ this week by Michel Onfray's "Antimanuel de Philosophic". a witty talk (9)_____ some of philosophy's perennial debates. Those who like their big issues in small chunks are also enjoying Frederic Beigbeder's Dernier Inventaire avant Liquidation, a survey of France's (10)_____ 20th-century books, (11)_____ with Mr. Beigbeder's (12)_____ humor from the title on (The 50 books of the Century Chosen by You and Critiqued by Me),

In Britain, meanwhile, there is olive oil all over the non-fiction list. It's a major (13)_____ for Nigella Lawson, a domestic divinity and celebrity (14)_____, whose latest (15)_____ of recipes tops the list. Annie Hawes, in second (16)_____. took herself (17)_____ to the sun-drenched hills of Italy to grow her own olives and write a book about them as did Carol Drinkwater, just (18)_____ the border in France. Fiction-wise, it's business as (19)_____, with the requisite holiday mix of thrillers, romance, fantasy and Harry Potter with The Goblet of Fire still burning (20)_____ at number three.

A．literature

B．narrative

C．story

D．fiction

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第1题

The European Union's Barcelona summit, which ended on March 16th, was played out against t

he usual backdrop of noisy "anti-globalisation" demonstrations and massive security. If nothing else, the demonstrations illustrated that economic liberalization in Europe—the meeting's main topic—presents genuine political difficulties. Influential sections of public opinion continue to oppose anything that they imagine threatens "social Europe", the ideal of a cradle-to-grave welfare state.

In this climate of public opinion, it is not surprising that the outcome in Barcelona was modest. The totemic issue was opening up Europe's energy markets. The French government has fought hard to preserve a protected market at home for its state-owned national champion, Electricite de France (EDF). At Barcelona it made a well-flagged tactical retreat. The summiteers concluded that from 2004 industrial users across Europe would be able to choose from competing energy suppliers, which should account for "at least" 600% of the market.

Since Europe's energy market is worth 350 billion ($309 Billion) a year and affects just about every business, this is a breakthrough. But even the energy deal has disappointing aspects. Confining competition to business users makes it harder to show that economic liberalization is the friend rather than the foe of the ordinary person. It also allows EDF to keep its monopoly in the most profitable chunk of the French market.

In other areas, especially to do with Europe's tough labor markets, the EU is actually going backwards. The summiteers declared that "disincentives against taking up jobs" should be removed; 20m jobs should be created within the EU by 2010. But only three days after a Barcelona jamboree, the European Commission endorsed a new law that would give all temporary-agency workers the same rights as full-timers within six weeks of getting their feet under the desk. Six out of 20 commissioners did, unusually, vote against the measure—a blatant piece of re-regulation—but the social affairs commissioner, Anna Diamantopoulou, was unrepentant, indeed triumphant. A dissatisfied liberaliser in the commission called the directive "an absolute disaster".

The summit's other achievements are still more fragile. Europe's leaders promised to increase spending on "research and development" from its current figure of 1.9% of GDP a year to 3%. But how will European politicians compel businesses to invest more in research？ Nobody seems to know. And the one big research project agreed on at Barcelona, the Galileo satellite-positioning system, which is supposed to cost 3.2 billion of public money, is of dubious commercial value, since the Europeans already enjoy free access to the Americans' GPA system. Edward Bannerman, head of economics at the Centre for European Reform, a Blairite think-tank, calls Galileo "the common agricultural policy in space."

According to those who support the liberalization of Europe's energy markets, energy supply monopoly is unlikely on the grounds that

A．business users will choose from supplier competitors.

B．energy markets call for cross-trade coordination.

C．competition will hardly be confined to business users.

D．energy suppliers might cater to economic liberalization.

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第2题

Part ADirections: Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by c

Part A

Directions: Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. (40 points)

The European Union's Bareelona summit, which ended on March 16th, was played out against the usual backdrop of noisy "anti-globalisation" demonstrations and massive security. If nothing else, the demonstrations illustrated that economic liberalization in Europe-the meeting's main topic—presents genuine political difficulties. Influential sections of public opinion continue to oppose anything that they imagine threatens "social Europe", the ideal of a cradle-to-grave welfare state.

In this climate of public opinion, it is not surprising that the outcome in Barcelona was modest. The totemic issue was opening up Europe's energy markets. The French government has fought hard to preserve a protected market at home for its state-owned national champion, Electricite de France (EDF). At Barcelona it made a well flagged tactical re treat. The summiteers concluded that from 2004 industrial users across Europe would be able to choose from competing energy suppliers, which should account for "at least" 60% of the market.

Since Europe's energy market is worth 350 billion ($309 billion) a year and affects just about every business, this is a breakthrough. But even the energy deal has disappointing aspects. Confining competition to business users makes it harder to show that economic liberalization is the friend rather than the foe of the ordinary person. It also allows EDF to keep its monopoly in the most profitable chunk of the French market.

In other areas, especially to do with Europe's tough labor markets, the EU is actually going backwards. The summiteers declared that "disincentives against taking up jobs" should be removed; 20m jobs should be created within the EU by 2010. But only three days after a Barcelona jamboree, the European Commission endorsed a new law that would give all temporary-agency workers the same rights as full-timers within six weeks of getting their feet under the desk. Six out of 20 commissioners did, unusually, vote against the measure—a blatant piece of re-regulation—but the social affairs commissioner, Anna Diamantopoulou, was unrepentant, indeed triumphant. A dissatisfied liberaliser in the commission called the directive "an absolute disaster".

The summit's other achievements are still more fragile. Europe's leaders promised to increase spending on "research and development" from its current figure of 1.9% of GDP a year to 3%. But how will European politicians compel businesses to invest more in research？ Nobody seems to know. And the one big research project agreed on at Barcelona, the Galileo satellite-positioning system, which is supposed to cost 3.2 billion of public money, is of dubious commercial value, since the Europeans already enjoy free access to the Americans' GPA system. Edward Bannerman, head of economics at the Centre for European Reform, a Blairite think-tank, calls Galileo "the common agricultural policy in space".

According to those who support the liberalization of Europe's energy markets, energy supply monopoly is unlikely on the grounds that

A．business users will choose from supplier competitors.

B．energy markets call for cross trade coordination.

C．competition will hardly be confined to business users.

D．energy suppliers might cater to economic liberalization.

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第3题

A．FrenchB．SpanishC．EnglishD．Chinese

A.French

B.Spanish

C.English

D.Chinese

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第4题

The story of The Merchant of Venice is of ___origin.A.ItalianB.FrenchC.GermanD.English

A.Italian

B.French

C.German

D.English

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第5题

The story of Hamlet comes from a ____ legend.A.FrenchB.ItalianC.DanishD.Chinese

A.French

B.Italian

C.Danish

D.Chinese

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第6题

Wimbledon is the site of______.A．the U. S OpenB．the British championshipC．the French OpenD

Wimbledon is the site of______.

A．the U. S Open

B．the British championship

C．the French Open

D．both B and C

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第7题

In France, between 8 a.m and 8 p.m, 70% of the music _______ be French

A.don’t have to

B.have to

C.must

D.mustn’t

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第8题

The Grammar-Translation Method was first used in the teaching of______.A. French B. Latin

The Grammar-Translation Method was first used in the teaching of______.

A. French

B. Latin and Greek

C. English

D. English and French

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第9题

Which of the following words is French in origin？A．House.B．Skull,C．Law.D．Tax.

Which of the following words is French in origin？

A．House.

B．Skull,

C．Law.

D．Tax.

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第10题

The real conflict behind French resistance to Google is actually the one between [A] the

French law and the American law. [B] the commercial value and the cultural value. [C] the traditional views and the modern views. [D] the law of market and the law of commerce.

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